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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

W?aSTER,N.Y.  14580 

(7 1 6)  8/^4503 


mm 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/iCIVIH 
ColSection  de 
microficlies. 


Canadian  Institute  fcr  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  cana  jien  de  microreproductions  historiquas 


iiMWWiMtii^^ 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniquett  et  bibliographiquos 


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□ 


D 


D 
D 


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Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
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n 
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10X 

14X 

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22X 

26X 

30X 

K 

12X 

16X 

20X 

24X 

28X 

32X 

»<fa«ii^ii,iiMwaa,iwiiafea-hi>«iiiiiiiMiatiifim'iiiiiiriMtii^, 


e 

itails 
s  du 
lodifier 
r  une 
Image 


rata 
) 


elure. 


: 


IX 


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Library  of  Congress 
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filmage. 

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originaux  sont  filmds  en  commen^ant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  at  en  terminant  par 
la  derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte, 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  ie 
cas:  le  symbols  — »►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  Atre 
filmis  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diff^rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  ciichA,  il  est  film«  A  partir 
da  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
iiiustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

Mt^triTfW namaHtMiff-  mMWi>iW*IWIMiT«'ni*n»Nin-M— i«Wiii.bii| 


,ai 


v 


LV 


Eli 


i^^i 


A 


}>     THE  TREATY  OF  WASHINGTON. 


>  1 


AN  ANALYSIS  OF  ITS  PROVISIONS. 

Our  Losses,  England's  Gains. 


^li 


ADDRESS 


or 


./' 


Hon.  Benj.  R  Butler, 


AT 


Music  HaU,  Phaadelphia,  Oct.  16,  187l! 


«BOSTON:  — 

f  W.  F.  Brown  &  Co,  Printer  No.  60  Bromfleld  Street 

1871. 


^"?fcj  II—  nixiiiiii»«« 


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..  ^ 


ADDRESS. 


-  .'.i,i 


■fuO 


t\ 


ft»1 


Permit  me  to  discuss  with  you  for  the  brief  hour  of  our  con- 

I^ZL  Mr-  "f '  °"^'''  ^  ^^^^^  "^°-  Po-»«  «f  di«^-ce 
tions  of  .  )  .T  '''*^°"''  *^j"^'  "^°^«  "^"d  difficult  ques- 
tions of  nght;  be  more  momentous  in  its  effects  for  good  or 

of  Peace  blVr?  T  ''''''''''''  "^•"^'  ^'"^'^^^  '^'  *-«ty 
01  Feace  between  the  colonies  of  Great  Britain  and  their  mother 

countr,,  wh,ch  established  our  independence  and  existence  Is  a 

mo  t  n  tellectnal  c.  y,  m  the  centre  state  of  the  arch  of  the 
vir«n^  *  people  who  are  supposed  to  examine  with  the  utmost 
^g^^Iance,  so  that  they  may  approve  or  disseri  irom  every  act  of 
their  government.  /  av*  wi 

vol^'Jr'  q-^estion,  therefore.  I  wish  to'ask  is V  How  many  of 
Cl!     T  ''fJ'r^  *•'«  ^''^'y  «f  Washington?  the  product  of 
t   ant «    H    ^f  ««----«•    If  this  audience  ha!  not  read 
Llu    f!?  ''"'^''"  ^^^  '""^^«^^'  *^>e°'  ho^  many  of  the 

knowledge  of  its  provisions  ?  And  yet  we  are  told  by  newsoa- 

that  the  Treaty  meets  the  entire  approbation  of  the  people  of  the 

ea«ntry,and  we  pass  resounding  resolutions  in  pVrty  convent 

ons  sometimes  very  effectively  in  the  small  hours  of  L  morn- 

kSwlXJT      '"'  ?'  '"  °'^^  *^'^"-«^  Substantially  all 

ob^-Jn  H  P"^''^**'^'^  ^f  *  »"PPOsed  copy  surreptitiously 
obtemed  by  a  newspaper  correspondent,  but  which  was  pr<^ 
uounced  in  he  Senate  of  the  United  States  to  be  more  orZ 
^correct.    These  observations  are  made  as  an  apology  in  you 

It  consists  of  forty.three  articles,  the  first  eleven  of  which 
concern  the  depredations  upon  American  commerce  by  certb 


\ 
i. 


!  -■'f 


M 


'MIk. 


m^'^oldLI"'" ■"""'"'  provide  for  tl,o  settlement  and  par- 

fi:;:/:nc;:p^e^ 

fished"  ";;d°  t'hff " '" '"''"'  ^^  ^'^j"^""«  ^'^^  "g»^t«  of  tho 

fisS  '°  »«>Portation  and  exportation  of  fish  and 

Tho  next  eight  articles  treat  of  opening  tho  navigation  of  th« 
H.  Lawrence  and  the  canals  whicll  improve  itrwaters  ^  ^hn 
use  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  but  g Lr^    nrl  rn 

Iho  remaunng  articles  from  36  to  42  are  devotP^  fn  ,u 
t  on,  whethnr  fi.o  i;.  „        .^  aevoted  to  the  ques- 

Treaty 'f"'i,l;5thtT8:r  "'  ^"""'  '°'"'°'^'  "■'^-  '"e 

l»ve  nothing  eLTto  TLZTy  Tl\oZ  ZTT^^  "1 
determination.  ^  '"' """'  '""^  anil 

2d    Th„  ;  •'■f-';'^'"'""^  "f  O'O  Alabama  and  oti.er  vesX 

otates,  and  injuries  to  oar  citizens  hv  tlio  Rrici.  n 
ernment,  from  April   18,  1861,  ,„  April    9    1865     t   X 

OU  •  "f  "Vl"'"  '"""'''  '"'  '"^  -''""'«-  »'  «  >;  a,  d  fi.° 
Lakes      Id        re'?rsit"of  *b"-.'7"  T" '™  """'  ""  «™' 


e.  f^- 


"^       III  1^1- 


:'rT 


V 


I^ritain,  and 
Jf  the  nation 
od  for,  deter- 

snt  and  pay- 
ther  govern- 
ations,  com- 
botween  tho 

ights  of  tho 
of  fish  and 

ition  of  the 
ters,  to  tho 
?,  in  return 
ding  Lako 
ts  of  Great 
j^ears  after 
itish  goods 

0  the  ques- 
stwoen  tho 
>r  through 
md  of  San 
mdor  the 

7  the  Em- 
ut  it,  and 
ward  and 

se  topics 

vessels  ; 
at  of  tlie 
tish  Gov- 

3d,  Of 
and  fish- 
he  Great 
e  United 
an.    ft;!. 


It  would  seem,  when  we  examine  tho  matter  actually  in 
controversy,  or  which  may  become  subject  of  difference  between 
the  two  countries,  that  the  Treaty  is  as  remarkable  for  what  it 
does  not  deal  with  at  all,  as  for  the  number,  importance  and 
manner  of  its  treatment  of  those  matters  which  it  does  attempt 
to  adjust. 

It  attracts  observation  that  the  Treaty  makes  no  provision  for 
the  payment  or  settlement  of  claims  for  injuries  done  by  Grout 
Britain  upon  American  citizens  since  tho  last  Convention  of  1863, 
and  prior  to  April,  1861. 

Secondly,  it  makes  no  provision  for  the  outrages  committed 
by  the  British  Government  upon  American  citizens  since  1865, 
although  it  is  well  known,  to  speak  of  no  others,  that  for  the  last 
four  years  British  and  Canadian  cruisers  have  been  constantly 
seizing  our  fishing  vessels  along  the  shores  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
New  Brunswick,  maltreating  their  crews,  confiscating  their 
property,  and  ruining  the  owners. 

Thirdly,  again,  it  is  too  well  known  that  numbers  of  American 
citizens,  —  some  of  whom  bear  honorable  scars  of  wounds  re- 
ceived in  our  war  —  have  been,  since  1865,  imprisoned  in  Eng- 
lish prisons,  as  well  on  this  continent  as  in  the  British  islands, 
without  duo  process  of  law,  and  against  right,  and  in  deroga- 
tion of  our  national  honor  and  the  protection  that  America 
owes  to  each  and  all  of  her  sons,  whether  by  birth  or  adoption  ; 
yet  the  treaty  provides  for  the  payment  to  the  Englishman  for 
every  bale  of  his  cotton  destroyed  by  us,  even  by  accident,  in  the 
war  for  tho  Union.  It  makes  no  provision  for  the  redress  of 
tho  imprisonment  of  the  citizen.  Is  not  the  liberty  of  one  Amer- 
ican  citizen  of  more  worth  than  many  bales  of  cotton  ? 

Fourthly,  The  Treaty  has  no  prohibition  of  the  payment  of 
claims  of  British  subjects  in  the  Confederate  debt,  claimed  to  be 
due  to  them,  and  secured  by  pledge  of  cotton,  though  that  subject 
was  thought  important  enough  by  the  people  of  this  country  to 
cause  them  to  amend  their  Constitution  to  provide  against  tho 
payment  of  that  debt  to  their  own  citizens.  We  shall  see  that 
the  Treaty  has  left  the  question  fairly  open  to  be  determined- 
against  us  by  the  arbitrators. 

Fifthly,  It  does  not  settle,  in  terms  nor  by  implication,  in  how 
fai-  the  claims  of  British  subjects  shall  be  recognized  in  prop- 


'  s 


fWMM 


ff 


f  i 


Situ  U„tr  "^  "'  '^'  "»'  '"■'  ^  »">  P->«™n.io„  Of 

..« Jh'o'  i':,j::t:?:aer;'f  ■'°'""'''™''  "■»  "o-"- 

do^ed  to  ha™  held  toward  2'.  "^  "'"°"™'  """'  •>» 
failo  carrying  on  war  a.  .„rl,  „.  «"'«"«"•  a  goTornment  rfe 
would  haT.  l«o„,.,„  j^.^  «!«»  of  ,„„,„„„,  bj,,,,,  J      J^ 

govommenund  .ho  oUilT.    rfof  Lfltl''""'  °""°'  "'''""='' 
arlitrator,  proridod  in  «,o  Troar. '      T     °  "'""■"'  '"""'^'"f 

I'ithn.orodivi.ion'^of  „p2„  ;tr   "'" ,  """"'T  «"d  Europe, 

Sovo„t!,|y,  While  oZlr  ,  """^"'J'  ""^  »"><«•• 
«..;oHos  on^ho  uHretr  '1  r  I"  Trrt  ™'"«"«  '"  '"« 
v...on  about  the  fisheries  claimed  Vorcl  jtL  '  ■"°'"'  ""  P"" 
we.»flm  coa.t,  between  our  newlv  Z  ^  ^'"  °"  <"" '  """"h- 
a..d  tho  British  P0.«s,r,  a,«'„'!,Tr',P"«'«'»''  »'  Alaska 
there  as  important  and  irr  ,'at  1 7    '"°   '°"'  °™  ""'»■  »™"'g 

Having  tlin,  «n  cxa  t^wS  hL"7  """'"'  "^  "•"  ■^'^■«^ 
-^  been  left  untouched  l^'tireW^Trr"'''''  »"''  "^"' 
inalruetlre  to  learn  pix^eisclv  th^t.  f  ^^""'""gton,  it  will  t„ 

State,,  and  what  h«  been  rWded  k.        '    '"'' '^  *■= '^°"='' 
subject  abont  which  negotiatilwere'h^d.'"  "'"°"°'  "^  ~* 

THB  ALABAMA  CLAIMS.  " 

^a  J  c,:;L,^t  ^'r  :;rnf ff  r  ^''™°'^™''  «■"  "^"- 

fourteen  Rebel  eruiserraZl„?  ''h"""™'  '='""""""'  "7 
prosented,to«,Vfe«„„J„  ""!"'"«  "'  'J'j  asgwgate,  as  far  as 

than  thirteen  millions  a^tfourr"-^  *"'»'"'"*»■<>«' 
»els_tho  Alabama,  Ploridl    Shf  ^  .'  committed  by  four  ^c 

"..y  did  not  r  rert    Z^^T-  "1°  '~'^.  "  •»  -k 
-ouof  the  liahilityby  orrr^-rLToftsr- 


kASft(i6»,s^l,. 


I  ipn»WT  I  11  TTTT fT"" 


1 


clamation  of 

t'lo  position 
'CO,  shall  be 
liothor  as  a 
oniment  de 
ory  simply, 
the  Treaty 
tho  highest 
imsofeach 
»1  boards  of 
'hich  have 
d  Europe, 

'"ng  to  the 
do  no  pro- 
o«i  ■  north- 
of  Alaska 
w  arising 

Treaty, 
and  what 
it  will  be 
«o  United 

to  each 


ho  "Ala- 
itted  by 
as  far  as 
ch  more 
bur  ves- 
J.  The 
tions  of 
orations 

to  ask 

recog- 

ise  Tea- 


sels, so  far  as  we  moan  to  insist  on  this  liability,  so  as  to  leave 
no  room  for  dispute  before  tho  arbitrators  upon  such  questions. 
This,  it  would  seem,  should  have  been  granted,  and  something 
certain  would  have  boon  gained.     On  the  contrary,  the  British 
comraisBioners  nowhere  admit  any  liability  ;  aad  the  only  atone- 
ment they  give  for  the  substantial  dftstruction  of  the  entire  com- 
merce of  America,  tlie  untold  losses  which  never  can  be  put  in 
the  form  of  claims  of  Americaa  merchantmen,  the  insult  to  na- 
tional honor,  the  violation  of  national  rights,  the  aiTront  to  the 
national  heart,  by  the  fitting  out,  harboring,  ownership,  aiding 
and  abetting  the  depredations  of  these  fourteen  vessels,  is  an 
expression,  "in  a  friendly  spirit  of  regret"  felt  by  Her  Majesty's 
''government  for  the  escape,  under  whatever  circumstances,  from 
"British  ports,  of  the  Alabama  and  other  vessels,  and  their  sub- 
"sequent  depredations."    But,  the  majority  of  the  vessels  did 
not,  in  fact,  "escape"  from  British  ports,  and  we  have  no  claim 
upon  Great  Britain  for  that  reason.     Many  others  were  har- 
bored, thoir  officers  feted,  their  crews  enlisted,  their  provisions 
and  coal  and  war  material  supplied,  their  repairs  furnished,  in 
several  British  ports,  notwithstanding  the  urgent  and  frequently- 
i-epeated  remonstrance  of  our  minister ;  and,  for  all  that,  there 
is  no  word  of  regret,  in  a  "friendly  spirit"  or  otherwise. 

Therefore,  our  whole  case  is  open  before  the  Board  of  Arbitra- 
tion,  of  which  I  will  speak  hereafter,  pTooisely  as  if  the  treAty 
had  never  been  made. 

Instead  of  the  recognition  by  Great  Britain  of  her  liability  in 
the  case  of  either  vessel,  three  rules,  to  be  international  law  in 
the  future,  have  been  agreed  upon,  for  the  guidance  of  the  ar- 
bitrators, but  which  the  British  commissioners  required,  before 
they  would  agree  to  them,  as  appears  by  the  protocol,  should  be 
made  rules  of  international  law  betwixt  this  country  and 
Great  Britain,  for  all  future  time,  and  they  further  demanded 
that  these  should  be  impressed  upon  every  other  maritime  na- 
tion as  international  law,  before  they  would  be  bound  by  them 
in  the  arbitration  of  the  Alabama  claims.  They  even  declaring, 
at  the  same  time,  that  theise  rules  were  not  now  the  law  of 
nations.       .,.,...».•-?<?•..•,    .--,..-■>.-;..    »'«^    ^"^    --   ■■•  - 

The  reason  for  this  persistence,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain, 
upon  these  as  rules  of  international  law  in  the  future  will  be 


I 


i 


■?«*• 


'rl  ! 


8 

apparent  in  a  moment,  and  will  show  Low  much  wo  have  con- 
coded  and  pa.d  for  th«  poor  privilege  of  having  our  chumn  laid 
l>oforo  a  hoard  of  arbitration  to  «it  .n  (Joneva,  Switzerland. 
lhi«,  in  fuc,  IB  all  we  have  gaiued  ;  and  the  results,  if  any, 
ohtan.ed  from  that  privilege  even,  must  l,e  shared  with  the  ua- 
derwriters  of  Great  Britain,  because  the  vessels  destroyed  by 
roM  cruisers  were  either  insured  or  re-insured  by  British 
oftices,  who  will  get  a  largo  share  of  whatever  is  awarded  to  the 
clanuants. 

I  think  I  can  state  with  sufficient  distinctness,  for  the  pur- 
poses  of  this  discussion,  these  three  rules  of  international   law 
without  g.vmg  you  their  exact  words,  except  in  case  of  the  sec' 
ond  which  .s  too  remarkable  to  be  passed  over  by  any  paraphrase 
or  digest  of  its  contents.  P^^pmaso 

The  first  rule  requires  the  neutral  govornmont  to  uso  duo 
diligence  to  prevent  the  fitting  out  of  any  vessel  to  carry  on  war 
against  a  friendly  j^wer,  and  to  use  like  diligence  to  pre've"  Ih 
departure  from  its  ports  of  any  vessr^  intended  to  ca;r/  on  war 
such  vessel  being  adapted  in  whole  or  in  pari,  wUhin  the  j^isdil 
lion,  to  warlike  use.  '' 

The  third  enjoins  the  exercise  of  due  diligence  to  prevent  any 
viola  ion  of  its  obligations  and  duties  within  its  jur  Idictio/ 
Herein  lies  the  weakness  of  the  case  of  the  United  Ks  We 
mus  prove  that  each  Rebel  vessel  was  adapted  to  warlike  use 

t:p::v:;ur '^^^^^^  -'  ""^^^"''  -'^  ^^'-^^^  ^^^^^^ 

give^t^'ntrdr"'  "^^  ''''  '^^^"^^  °^  ^^  ^"^P-^--'  ^^^  ^ 
"  Secondly,  not  to  permit  or  suffer  either  belligerent  to  make 
u^  0  Its  ports  or  waters  as  the  base  of  naval  operations  ag^nst 
th  other,  or  for  the  purpose  of  the  renewal  or  augmentatfoTof 
military  supplies  or  arms,  or  the  recruitment  of  men  " 

Witliout  stopping  to  comment  on  the  fact  that,  with  one  or 
two  exceptions  none  of  the  Rebel  cruisers  had  been'dV^^^^^^  to 
warlike  use  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Great  Britain,  anf"  es 
caped  '  therefrom,  and  a  majority  of  them  had  not  be  n "daptd" 
at  all  to  that  use  w.thin  her  jurisdiction  -  but  admitting  thafwe 
may  get  many  thousands  or  a  few  millions  of  dollars  by  1  ati^^ 
these  rules  of  interuatioual  law  made  the  basis  of  argum  nt^ 


f«n 


1 


9 


)  have  con- 
cluiniH  laid 
iwitzorliuid. 
ilts,  if  any, 
ith  tho  uu- 
stroyod  by 
by  Jiritish 
rdod  to  tho 

r  tho  pur- 
ion  al  law, 
of  tho  sec- 
paraphraso 

>  uso  due 
■ry  on  war 
re  vent  th  j 
r/  on  war, 
ejurisdic- 

ovent  any 
risdiction. 
ites.  We 
jllke  use, 
diligence 

ce,  and  I 

'  to  make 
IS  against 
itation  of 

h  one  or 
lapted  to 
uid  "  es- 
adapted 
:  that  we 
f  having 
ment  be- 


fore  tho  Itoard  of  arl)itratlon  —  lot  ua  «eo  tho  price  we  are  to 
pay  for  wliiit  wo  do  get. 

Before  tlio  mind  tiiruH  to  that,  please  bear  in  recollection  that 
Groat  Britain,  during  tho  war,  had  in  oflbct  ruined  our  com- 
merce ;  tliat  from  tiiat  sliock  it  has  in  no  considerable  degree 
recovered ;  that  England  is  to-day  doing  the  carrying  trade  of 
the  world  in  her  ships ;  tliat  it  is  of  tho  last  importance  to  her 
to  bo  able  to  protect  her  8hij-,)ing,  so  that  she  may  bring  to  her 
island  raw  material  and  there  manufacture  it  and  carry  back  the 
product;  and  you  will  understand  the  nocessity  of  this  second 
rule  to  Great  Britain  in  time  of  war — especially,  if  adopted,  as 
we  have  covenanted  it  shall  be,  l>y  the  other  maritime  powers  ; 
and  this  nocessity  appears  more  clearly  in  view  of  tho  fact,  as 
the  British  (/ommissioncrs  claim,  that  this  rule  is  not  now  a  part 
of  tho  Law  of  Nations. 

Under  this  rule,  no  private  or  public  armed  vessel  of  a  nation 
at  war  can  get  any  supplies  to  aid  her  in  carrying  on  warlike 
operations  in  any  foreign  port  of  the  world.  Now  it  has,  without 
doubt,  come  to  be  settled  law  that  coal,  to  a  steam  vessel-of-war, 
is  a  military  supply.  Nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  all  at- 
tacks upon  an  enemy's  commerce  must  hereafter  be  made  by 
swift  armed  atoam-vessels,  as  was  done  by  tho  Shenandoah  and 
Alabama  in  the  Con focf<< rate  raid  upon  om  own.  But  speed  i;? 
a  steam-vessel  uses  up  coal  almost  in  an  arithmetical  ratio  of 
progi-ession  to  the  amount  of  spoed  attained.  Therefore  steam- 
vessels  pursuing  the  commerce  of  an  enemy  must  use  vast  quan- 
tities of  coal,  requiring  frequent  visitations  to  ports  and  harbors 
for  renewal.  Now,  tlie  United  States  have  not  a  single  coaling 
station  in  the  world,  beside  i-he  harbors  on  her  own  coasts,  other 
than  hired  docks  in  neutral  ports,  from  which,  under  this  rule, 
we  tansi,  be  at  once  shut  out  in  case  of  war.  The  establishment 
of  this  rule  of  law,  therefore,  protects  British  commerce  in  all 
time,  because  under  it  no  steam-vessel  of  war  of  the  United 
States,  either  private  or  public,  can  steam  more  than  five  days' 
distance  from  our  own  coasts,  for  the  reason  that  no  one  of  them 
can  carry,  with  its  armament,  more  than  ten  days'  coal,  and  it 
is  neither  prudent  nor  safe  for  a  war  steamer  to  be  on  the  ocean 
without  coal  to  return  to  port  —  five  days  out  and  five  days 
back. 


J" 


i 


'.i**^r!!*n^»Ei|a»:'; 


.»;r*_ 


10 

Heretofore  when  I  liave  suggestcti  this  diflicnlty  of  want  of 
coal   depots,   to  unreflecting   persons,   the   answer   has   been: 
"Well,  Great  Britain,  by  this  iulo,  has  deprived  herself  of  the 
right  to  coal  in  neutral  ports,  as  well  as  the  United  States.    If 
ihis  nile  is  so  disastrous  as  suggested,  wliy  did  the  English  Com- 
missioners insist  upon  its  establishment,  and  insist  furtlic  that 
it  should  l)e  made  a  rule  of  public  law  for  all  time  and  for  all 
maritime  nations  ?  "    Please  reflect  that  Great  Britain  has  for 
two-hundred  years  been  acquiring  and  fortifying  harbors  and 
naval  stations  all  over  the  world  now  fitted  and  used  as  coaling 
stations,     Halifax,  the  Barbadoes,  Jamaica,  Honduras,  Guiana 
and  the  Falkland  Islands,  make  a  cordon  along  tlio  Atlantic 
shore,  north   and  south.     Heligoland,  (Gibraltar,   St.  Helena, 
Gambia,  Gold  Coast,  Mauritius,  Cape  Good  Hope,  in  the  eastern 
and  Indian  Ocean ;  Malta  in  the  Mediterranean ;  India,  Hong 
Kong,  Ceylon  and  Labuan,  Australia,  New  South  Wales  and  Tas- 
mania, New  Zealand  and  the  islands  of  the  Eastern  Archipelago, 
furnish  her  with  both  coal  and  coaling  stations  in  that  part^of 
the  world,  so  that  England  has  *o-day,  without  striking  a  blow, 
moving  a  man  or  mounting  i      ,i,  ample  supply  of  coal  stations, 
to  a  degree  that  with  an  expenuiture  of  a  thousand  millions  of 
money,  twenty  years'  time  and  fifty  millions  yearly  outlay  iv 
keep  them  up,  would  not  put  the  United  States  on  an  equality 
with  her  in  that  regard. 

When  I  stated  this  view  of  the  effect  of  this  rule  of  law  to 

one  of  the  learned  Senators  from  my  own  State,  who  had  served 

on  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Aflairs,  and  asked  for  explanation 

of  its  effect  upon  our  naval  power,  what  would  you  suppose 

was  that  statesman's  patriotic  and  far-reaching  reply  ?    This  and 

nothing  more:  "As  there  will  never  be  any  more  wars,  I  am 

glad  that  the  United  States  hasn't  a  coaling  station  anywhere 

away  from  our  own  coasts.    That  will  keep  our  navy  at  home." 

Alas  !     I  had  heard  the  declaration  of  that  Senator  that  there 

were  to  be  no  wars  before.    I  listened  to  his  peace  lectures 

quite  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago,  and  quite  that  time  since,  I 

was  told  to  lay  off  my  uniform  as  a  Massachusetts  volunteer 

soldier,  as  it  was  useless  to  keep  up  military  organizations 

and  prepare  for  war  which  could  never  happen  in  this  civilized 

and  christianized  age  of  the  world.      Happily  wiser  counsels 


^■>. 


«^*:iS-45*?a;„..-art: 


'*'^**^-^a«^5»SW»?5. 


■-■larfjpj'    ^5 


m 


of  want  of 
has  been : 
rself  of  the 
States.    If 
iglish  Com- 
urthc  that 
and  for  ail 
tain  has  for 
arbors  and 
I  as  coalhig 
•as,  Guiana 
10  Atlantic 
it.  Helena, 
the  eastern 
idia,  Hong 
?s  and  T  -is- 
rchipelago, 
hat  part  of 
ig  a  blow, 
al  stations, 
DJHions  of 
r  outlaj  tt- 
n  equality 

of  law  to 
lad  served 
cplanation 
I  suppose 

This  and 
a-rs,  I  am 
anywhere 
it  home." 
that  there 
J  lectures 
e  since,  I 
volunteer 
mizations 
i  civilized 
'  counsels 


11 

prevailed,  or  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  Regiment  would  never 
have  marched  side  by  side  with  a  Pennsylvania  Regiment  first 
of  all  to  save  the  nation's  capital  from  rebel  arms.  In  spite  of 
the  mistaken  ipse  dixit  of  that  Senator,  I  have  lived  to  take 
part  in  one  of  the  most  gigantic  wars  the  world  ever  saw,  and 
within  six  years  of  its  termination  the  other  continent  was 
swept  by  wars,  foreign  and  civil,  on  a  scale  that  has  not  been 
equaled  since  tiie  fabled  hosts  of  Xerxes. 

I  agree  our  Republic  will  never  be  a  great  naval  power,  be- 
cause our  people  will  never  appropriate  the  money  in  time  of 
peace  to  keep  up  a  large  naval  establishment,  which  is  then 
looked  upon  as  useless;  and  wars  are  never  long  enough  to 
enable  any  country  to  build  fleets  of  ships.  We  are  to  look, 
then,  for  our  means  of  naval  warfare  to  our  private  armed  ves- 
sels, the  militia  of  the  seas,  which,  in  six  mouths,  can  sweep 
from  the  ocean  the  entire  commerce  of  any  nation  at  war  with 
us,  provided  always,  that  they  can  get  the  modern  necessity  of 
naval  warfare,  —  coal,  from  which  we  are  cut  oflf  by  the  terms 
and  express  provisions  of  this  Treaty. 

Let  lis  pathse  here.  Am  I  right  upon  this  point  ?  If  I  am 
right,  where  have  we  found  any  discussion  of  this  momentous 
question,  either  in  the  protocols  of  the  Commissioners,  on  the 
floor  of  the  Senate,  or  in  those  illusory  and  useless  editorials 
of  newspapers  in  which  alone  some  features  of  the  Treaty  have 
been  portrayed  ?  Yet,  with  this  great  rule  of  public  law  underly- 
ing the  maritime  superiority  of  this  country  for  all  time,  estab- 
lished against  us  before  our  very  faces,  will  you  do  me  the  favor 
to  remember,  that  the  principal  journals  of  the  country  were 
more  busily  engaged  in  discussing,  with  more  or  less  of  virulence 
and  vituperation,  the  right  of  a  newspaper  correspondent  to  steal 
a  portion  of  the  secret  archives  of  the  nation  and  publish  it  to  the 
world,  than  in  showing  to  the  people  the  provisions  of  that  same 
treaty  by  which  theii'  navai  pjwer  was  crippled  forever. 

If  in  this  I  am  correct  -^  and  as  an  American  I  only  hope  I 
am  not,  for  I  have  struggled  to  get  rid  of  tlie  conviction  that 
such  is  the  result  of  our  negotiation  on  the  Alabama  claims  — 
have  we  not  indeed  paid  a  fearful  price  for  the  regrets  of  the 
English  Government,  in  however  "friendly  spirit"  expressed, 
and  for  the  few  millions  whicli  by  possibility  may  be  awarded  to 


I ., 


^'^JSUT'i 


p<^     >5*  »^*rf* 


"  *j>)»iai<^Ez 


i<]WiiH  'Uiiiw.iittiXiiliW^j*" 


.  -„,^„,s«.w«».wi,^»,si«jJ2^<!5<ftf*!^' 


i 


12 

«s  hy  the  arbitration  at  Geneva  composed  of  a  representative  of 
the  United  States,  a  representative  of  Her  Britannic  Maiesty,  a 
representative  of  the  King  of  Italy,  a  representative  of  the  Swiss 
Confederation,  and  an  umpire -the  cause  to  be  decided  by  a 
majority-,  chosen  by  the  Emperor  of  Brazil,  whose  subjects  har- 
bored  the  Rebel  steamer  Florida  in  the  port  of  Bahia,  giving  her 
aid  and  comfort  until  she  was  cut  out  by  the  brave  and  patriotic 
CoUms  and  brought  home,  but  not  until  after  she  had  committed 
three  millions  of  damage  upon  our  commerce  to  the  five  done 
by  the  Alabama. 

The  Emperor  of  Brazil  did  not  then  regard  the  capture  of 
that  pirate  in  a  friendly  spirit,  but  insisted  that  she  should 
be  returned  with  her  armament  and  crew,  in  full  piratical  order, 
to  his  safe  harbor,  from  whence  she  might  sally  forUi  again  to 
prey  upon  and  burn  our  merchant  ships.  His  Majesty,  the 
Emperor,  insisted  that  the  right  of  his  neutral  territory  to  pro- 
tect  pirates  had  been  invaded  by  our  gallant  navy,  and  demand- 
ed  ,„  an  unfriendly  spirit,  instant  reparation  then  in  aid  of  the 

I?t 'i  fT^^'  /'^I  '^'*  ^"'^'^  '""^  ^"  *^«  ^"«'-  arbitrator  on 
hke  acts  of  England  now.  In  compliance  with  his  majesty's  per- 
emptory demand,  an  order  for  the  return  of  the  Florida  was  civ- 
en  and  she  would  have  again  been  let  loose  upon  our  commerce, 
but  luckily  she  was  in  James  River  when  the  order  came  witll 

he  Department  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  the  Cola  Sr 
of  which  now  addresses  you,  so  that  he  has  knowledge  of  the 
f«5t  of  which  he  speaks;  and  unfortunately  for  the  Confederacy, 
but  happily  tor  our  commerce,  the  Florida  collided,  as  she  lay  a 
anchor,  with  an  army  transport,  and  sunk  in  six  fathom  of 
water  where  she  has  lain  harmless  ever  since;  and  the  person 
now  addressing  you,  as  counsel  for  Commodore  Collins  and  his 
crew,  IS  endeavoring  to  recover  her  value  in  prize  for  the  darini. 
gallant  and  patriotic  act  of  her  capture.  ^' 

Is  it  not  possible  that  in  considering  the  duty  of  a  neutral 
nation  not  to  harbor  the  armed  vessels  of  belligerents  who  are 
preying  upon  the  commerce  of  a  friendly  power,  under  the  third 
rule,  the  arbitrator  representing  the  Emperor  of  Brazil  may 
pause  to  reflect  whether  the  consequence  io  his  master  of  find^ 
.ig  England  guilty  in  case  of  the  Alabama  and  ShenandoA 

T  T  ^  t ''"?''  ^""  "*^^^  ^''  "'^  '^''^  '"^"'o^  of  damages      . 
done  by  the  Florida,  sheltered  in  the  port  of  Bahia  ? 


'*'**  '^  f  ift^^  ■  "^^^1^^ 


Sra^SStriSfSSRB 


13 


In  the  ottiissions  of  the  treaty  to  provide  specifically  for  dam- 
ages done  to  our  citizens,  I  have  a  grief  which  almost  partakes 
of  the  character  of  a  private  one,  because  the  vessels  of  my  con- 
stituents and  neighbot3,  the  fishermen  of  Massachusetts,  wore 
destroyed  by  the  Tacony.  Now  as  there  is  not  only  no  evidence 
that  she  was  ever  in  a  British  port  so  as  to  come  within  either 
rule  laid  down  in  the  treaty,  but,  on  the  contrary,  full  evidence 
that  she  was  not,  although  she  was  a  tender  or  consort  of  one  of 
the  pirates  fitted  out  by  England's  subjects,  I  see  no  redress 
whatever,  even  negotiated  for,  in  behalf  of  the  brave  and  hardy 
fishermen  of  my  State ;  and  yet  Massachusetts  had  a  member  of 
the  Joint  Higli  Commission. 

But  what  shall  be  said  if  the  treaty  is  so  looseiy  framed,  after 
all,  that  Great  Britain  has  left  to  her,  by  its  provisions,  a  valid 
defence  to  all  our  claims  for  tlic  Alabama  outrages,  or  at  least 
one  exceedingly  difficult  to  answer  ?  What  is  to  be  done  or  said 
if  our  Commissioners  on  the  Joint  High  Commission  have  not 
only  wholly  failed  to  get  an  acknowledgment  of  liability  for 
our  claims,  but  by  an  express  provision  have  left  the  door  open 
to  a  defence  by  Great  Britain  which  may  be  well  urged  as 
sounding  in  equity  and  justice  ?  Curiously  enough,  although 
the  claims  are  those  of  individual  merchants  for  their  property 
destroyed,  yet  there  is  an  express  provision  that  "  if  the  tribunal 
find  that  Great  Britain  has  failed  to  fulfill  any  duty  or  duties,  it 
may,  if  it  think  proper,  proceed  to  award  a  sum  in  gross  to  be 
paid  by  Great  Britain  to  the  United  States  for  all  the  claims  re- 
ferred to."  I  was  puzzled,  at  first,  to  understand  why  this  pro- 
vision should  have  place  in  the  treaty.  But  Lord  Redesdale, 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  has  not  left  us  in  doubt  as  to  what  use 
is  to  be  made  of  this  provision  for  the  payment  of  a  gross  sum 
to  the  treasury  in  connection  with  the  other  provisions,  or  rather 
want  of  them,  in  the  treaty.  It  is  to  bo  remembered  that  our 
claim  for  damages  for  the  depredations  must  be  primarily  upon 
the  rebels  who  destroyed  our  vessels,  and  that  on  England 
is  a  secondary  one,  because  she  aided  them  by  affording  the 
means  of  doing  the  acts  of  which  we  complain.  The  wrongs 
were  actually  inflicted  by  our  Southern  brethren  of  the 
Confederate  States,  and  we  hold  Great  Britain  as  accessory 
only.        — *  , 


wm^ 


ff 


j. 


u 

Tlicreforo  may  not  Britain  well  urge  before  the  Arbitration, 
that  as  the  United  States  have  condoned  the  onbnces  of  the 
Soutliern  States  committed  during  the  war,  —  have  taken  them 
back  as  an  integral  part  of  the  Government  of  the  nation,  and 
as  the  money  paid  for  tlie  depredations  of  the  Alabama  will  go  into 
the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  for  the  joint  benefit  of  all  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  as  well  Admiral  Semmes  who  com- 
manded the  Alabama,  as  Admiral  Winslowand  officers  and  crew 
of  the  Keartarge  that  sunk  her,  it  is  unjust  and  inequitable  to 
call  upon  England  to  pay  money  for  the  depredations  of  the 
Alabama  for  the  benefit,  in  part,  of  the  very  men  and  States  who 
did  the  acts,  and  who  are  now  a  portion  of  the  nation  demanding 
payment.  In  other  words,  in  justice  and  equity  the  accessory  can- 
not be  called  upon  to  pay  his  principal  for  the  amount  of  damages 
done  by  himself  in  committing  a  rol)bery.  Yet  in  the  protocols 
of  the  Commissioners,  in  the  discussions  in  the  Senate,  so  far  as 
they  were  permitted  to  come  to  the  public  ear,  and  especially  in 
the  pauses  of  the  defence  of  the  larcinious  newspaper  correspond- 
ents by  their  employers,  wherein  some  mention  has  been  made 
of  the  provisions  of  the  treaty,  not  a  word  of  all  this  vital  ques- 
tion of  defence  by  England,  so  cunningly  planned  and  so  artis- 
tically provided  by  the  British  Commissioners,  has  been  said. 
Yet,  say  the  newspapers,  all  the  people  are  in  favor  of  every  pro- 
vision of  the  treaty  of  Washington ! 

But  these  are  not  all  the  price  we  pay  for  the  regrets  of  Eng- 
land, and  for  the  privilege  of  presenting  our  case  for  tlie  few 
millions  which  we  suppose  wo  may  get  back,  lost  by  rebel 
depredations. 

PAYMENT  OP   CLAIMS  OP  BRITISH   SUBJECTS. 

We  have  agreed,  by  the  Twelfth  Article  of  the  Treaty,  to  pay 
all  the  claims  of  British  subjects  for  losses  suffered  at  the  hands 
of  the  United  States  government  during  tho  war  that  may  be 
determined  against  us  by  a  commission,  tl<e  majority  of  whom 
give  decree,  to  be  appointed  jointly  by  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  and  in  their  failure  by  the  representative  of  the 
King  of  Spain. 

What  is  the  amount  of  those  claims  ?    Does  any  man  know  ? 

Have  they  ever  been  stated  ?    Of  what  do  they  consist  ? 


"WI.JMIIH 


Arbkration, 
jiices  of  tho 
)  taken  them 
I  nation,  and 
a  will  go  into 
slit  of  all  the 
es  who  corn- 
ers and  crew 
loquitablo  to 
lions  of  the 
i  States  who 
L  demanding 
jcessory  can- 
t  of  damages 
he  i)rotocols 
ite,  so  far  as 
3speci,ally  in 
correspond- 
3  been  made 
s  vital  ques- 
md  so  artis- 
i  been  said. 
>f  every  pro- 
rets  of  Eng- 
for  the  few 
it  by  rebel 


eaty,  to  pay 
;t  the  hands 
liat  may  be 
ty  of  whom 
in  and  the 
itive  of  the 

nan  know  ? 
7  consist  ? 


15 

Was  any  bill  of  particulars  or  schedule  received  or  ever  asked 
for  by  our  Commissioners  ?  Docs  any  body  know  whether  they 
are  four  or  four  hundred  millions  ?  Does  any  body  know  tho 
validity  of  them  or  tho  grounds  on  which  they  rest  ?  Tho  pro- 
vision is  "  for  all  acts  done  or  committed  against  the  persons  or 
property  of  British  subjects  between  the  13th  of  April,  1801, 
and  tho  Oth  of  April,  18G5,  not  being  Alaboma  claims,  which 
may  have  been  presented  and  yet  remain  unsettled,  or  which 
may  uereaftcr  be  presented  within  six  months  after  the  date  of 
the  first  meeting  of  the  Commissioners." 

Observe  the  difference  in  the  statement  of  the  two  classes  of 
claims.  When  our  claims  of  any  magnitude  are  made  upon  Eng- 
land, they  are  specified  as  known  under  the  head  of  "  Alabama 
Claims."  When  th  >  English  claims  are  provided  for,  as  against 
us,  there  is  not  even  a  generic  specification,  but  are  all  that 
have  been  or  may  hereafter  be  presented. 

.True,  it  is  well  argued  that  this  country  is  not  liable  for  dam- 
ages done  in  the  war  to  the  persons  and  property  of  a  neutral 
foreign  resident  here,  any  more  than  to  our  own  citizens. 
Granted.  But  this  government,  by  appointing  the  Southern 
Claims  Commission,  has  admitted  its  liability  for  all  the  proper- 
ty taken  and  used  by  the  armies  of  the  United  States  in  tho 
course  of  its  m'ilitary  operations,  belonging  to  its  loyal  citizens. 
Every  subject  of  Great  Britain  being  a  neutral,  must  be  taken 
to  have  been  loyal,  under  the  provisions  of  this  treaty,  unless 
some  overt  act  is  shown,  and  stands,  therefore,  upon  the  ground 
of  the  most  loyal  citizen  of  the  United  States  ;  and  for  every 
dollar  of  his  property  taken,  used  or  injured,  by  the  United 
States,  and  for  every  injury  to  his  person,  the  United  States  by 
this  treaty  is  made  responsible.  What  that  amount  may  be  de- 
pends upon  the  advocacy  of  the  English  Commissioner  and  the 
conscience  of  the  representative  of  the  King  of  Spain. 

I  have  already  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  there  is  no 
prohibition  against  British  claims  as  holders  of  the  Confederate 
loan.  1  shall  probably  be  answered  that  there  was  no  need  of 
such  a  prohibition  because  the  Confederate  debt  was  neither  an 
"  act  done  or  committed  against  a  British  subject  by  the  United 
States."  True,  but  I  cannot  forget,  however,  that  this  Confed- 
erate loan   was  specially   secured  by  a  pledge  of  the  cotton 


\   I 


in  m  I    iiiiii.'i"" 


jL^j^ ;  .w-»y  .■.,-;**'.  w«r  =^'«*''*' 


r 


>-i'»'*mmam!&ei>lkg^ij^'- 


10 

owned  by  the  Confedorato  government,  placed  in  the  hands  ot 
agents  as  security  for  the  loan  at  a  given  price  per  pound,  mak- 
|..g  asful  a  pledge  m  the  eye  of  municipal  law  as  between 
individuals  as  could  be  well  stated.  Therefore,  it  would  seem 
to  me  quite  clear  that  all  such  Confederate  cotton  so  pledged 
became  the  qualiHed  property  of  the  holders  of  the  loan  for 
whose  benefit  it  was  held  as  a  pledge.  Indeed  I  remember  that 
portions  of  that  very  cotton  were  shipped  and  sold  to  pay  the 
interest  as  long  as  the  Confederacy  had  existence. 

Now,  IS  it  not  historically  true  that  the  United  States  took 
a^id  destroyed  many  millions  of  this  cotton  and  put  some  forty 
million  do  lars  more  into  the  Treasury  realized  from  its  sale? 
i)id  we  not  c'aun  tins  property  as  successors  to  the  Confederate 
Kates  captured  by  us  ,n  the  war  ?  But  is  it  not  under  this  Treaty 
subject  to  the  pledge  and  the  rights  of  neutrals  who  had  loaneJ 

luhorr'  T"  '*'  "^' '"'' '' ''  ^'^^'^  ^^-»*«  -d  --"si 

TTnfjl  7!  ''  ^^"^''^""«»^1  provision  against  the  pay- 
ment ol  the  Confederate  debt,  we  have  no  constitutional  pro- 
vision against  payment  for  the  cotton  that  we  have  destroyed 
or  taken  and  sold  belonging  to  British  subjects,  which  we  have 
agreed  to  pay  by  the  solemn  provisions  of  a  treaty  w  oh  are  L 
themselves  the  supremo  law  of  the  land. 

What  answer  to  this  view  of  the  British  right  of  pronertv?  T 
l.ave  heard  but  one,  and  that  is,  that  cotton 'being  ZZlie  of 
property  capable  of  being  used  in  aid  of  the  war  in  the  South 
orn  States  when  captured  by  the  United  States  became  he  "t 
orty  of  the  captors  as  against  all  the  world,  although  It  le  1 1 
of  capture  the  actual  title  might  be  in  a  n;itral  Br  U^  s'^^^^^^ 
Grant  that,  or  the  sake  of  the  argument,  it  would  be  so  t 
the  absence  of  the  Treaty.    But  by  the  TrUty  of  Washington 

soiled  timt  tlid  Bm,sl,  subject  under  this  rule  may  claim  hi, 
property  .n  daves  Wully  his  property  by  our  law.  and  1 
tut,on  pnor    o  the  war,  and  for  which  he  could  hare  bXht 
»uu  m  any  of  our  court.,  although  that  cla«  „f  prope  ty  wo^j 


mjfWiHiiB  1  ■  1 11  im^firtigi 


17 

swell  British  claims  to  millions  in  amount,  because  it  is  stated  in 
the  protocol  that  the  British  Commissioners  declared  that  the 
Britisli  Government  would  not  present  any  such  claims.  Pro)> 
ably  not.  But  why  not  have  made  that  certain  in  the  Treaty 
itself  ?  A  declaration  not  put  in  the  Treaty,  and  not  in  the 
purview  of  the  instructions  of  the  British  Commissioners  may 
bo  determined  not  to  be  within  their  province,  so  as  to  bo  bind- 
ing on  private  claimants. 

I  trust  it  may  so  bo  held.  One  would  be  grieved  to  find  oven 
in  the  Treaty  of  Washington  an  entering  wedge  to  the  payment 
for  slave  property  set  free  by  the  war,  the  proclamation  of  Eman- 
cipation and  the  Constitutional  amendments. 

It  will  be  observed  that  I  have  not  dwelt  at  all  upon  the  fact 
that  the  Treaty  provides  for  the  payment  by  Great  Britain  of 
claims  of  our  citizens  against  England,  for  acts  done  or  com-' 
mitted  against  their  persons  and  property  in  the  same  period, 
because  I  have  heard  of  substantially  none.  Perhaps  the  Con- 
federate raid  upon  the  Saint  Albans  Bank  during  the  war  would 
come  more  nearly  under  this  class  of  cases  than  any  other,  but 
unless  it  can  be  shown  that  the  Government  of  Canada  con- 
nived at  and  became  parties  to  that  raid  it  seems  difficult  to  see 
how  such  a  claim  can  be  validated. 

Tliere  is  still  another  large  class  of  claims  which  may  come 
jn  under  the  provisions  of  this  Treaty,  and  certainly  will  be 
pushed,  and  that  is  for  restitution  of  the  blockade  runners  cap- 
tured during  the  war.  It  hsis  been  insisted,  and  it  is  still  in- 
sisted by  the  British  owners  that  all  these  captures  are  illegal,  be- 
cause, among  other  reasons,  by  the  proclamation  of  the  blockade 
of  President  Lincoln  it  is  distinctly  ordered  that  our  naval  ves- 
sels warn  off  the  merchant  vessels  coming  to  a  Southern  port  the 
first  time  they  are  found  within  the  inhibited  waters,  and  that 
capture  should  only  be  made  for  the  second  offence.  But  soon 
these  warnings  were  omitted,  and  a  capture  was  made  when- 
ever and  wherever  a  vessel  was  found  attempting  to  enter  a 
blockaded  port. 

Again,  it  will  be  claimed  that  we  have  insisted,  and  do  still 
insist,  that  we  never  have  accorded  belligerent  rights  to  the  Con- 
federates at  sea,  because  they  had  neither  ports  nor  a  navy. 
This  is  one  of  the  grounds  upon  which  the  senior  Senator  from 


It 


-«fr.v*3»r*^*'*' 


^'sftSiff^^fc- 


MIIK« 


1 


"»•— ^"wWWMWfcf 


' 


18 

Massachusotts.  in  his  speech  against  a  former  treaty,  put  his  case 
witli  all  his  strength,  and  made  the  recognition  hj  Kngland  of 
the  belligerent  rights  of  the  Confoderatos  at  sea,  when  wo  had 
accorded  them  none,  a  distinctive  and  most  formidable  ground 
of  liability  to  us  for  all  wrongs  done  to  us  by  the  Alabama  — a 
view,  by  the  way,  whicn  has  been  wholly  ignored  and  ropidia- 
ted  by  tins  treaty  — yet  the  newspapers  said  that  the  whole 
country  adopted  this  view.      The  British  lawyers  say,  be  it  so  • 
assume  that  there  was  no  state  of  belligerency  at  sea,  how  then' 
do  you  maintain  the  legality  of  a  blockade  which  could  only  be 
set  up  because  of  a  state  of  belligerency  on  the  waters  ? 

And  if  there  is  anything  in  this  doctrine  tl.at  a  state  of  bel- 
hgerency  may  exist  between  the  parent  state  and   its  revolted 
subjects  on  the  land  and  yet  there  be  no  state  of  belligerency  at 
sea,  so  that  we  might  liave  been  justified  in  hanging  Confed- 
erate  sailors  as  pirates,  — as  we  essayed  to  do,  but  were  pre 
vented  by  threats  of  retaliation,  -  then  all  our  prize  adjudica- 
tions  fall  to  the  ground,  and  we  are  accountable  for  the  vessels 
captured,  before  a  Court  of  Arbitration  to  l)e  presided  over  by 
the  representative  of  the  King  of  Spain,  who  has  subjects  with 
like  claims  against  us. 

Remember,  again,  thit  this  question  is  not  to  be  determined 
bjr  us  with  our  patriotic  emotions  and   ideas  of  international 
law  tinged  by  the  decisions  of  our  highest  courts,  but  by  the 
•  represeutative  of  the  King  of  Spain,  who  sits  as  arbitrator  in 
all  this  class  of  cases,  as  well  the  cotton  as  the  ships,  and  from 
whose  sole  decision  there  is  uo  appeal  or  escape.    Indeed   in 
regard  to  payment  of  this  class  of  claims  the  English  Commis- 
sioners, as  if  fearing  that  we  might  deem  ourselves  ovei-reached 
have  taken  great  pains  to  bind  the  United  States  very  securely* 
and  a  special  provision,  the  like  to  be  found  no  where  else,  in  any 
diplomatic  convention,  not  even  in  our  treaty  with  the  Mian 
tnbes  -  seeming  to  question,  in  advance,  by  implication,  the 
gpod  faith  of  the  nation  -  is  appended  to  article  thirteenth. 

Listen  ;  The  high  contracting  parties  hereby  engage  "  to  con- 

"sider  the  decision  of  the  Commissioners  as  absolutely  final  and 

"conclusive  upon  each  claim  decided  upon  by  them,  and  to  give 

full  effect  to  such  decisions  witliout  any  objection,  evasion,  or 

"  delay  whatsoever." 


19 


,, 


' 


Why,  this  reads  like  an  oath  in  a  Ku-Kliix  lodge,  instead  of 
a  provision  of  a  treaty  between  two  of  the  most  powerful  and 
most  honorable  nations  of  the  earth,  and  amounts  to  this : 
"  You  promise  and  agree  without  any  mental  rosorvatiou  or 
equivocation  or  evasion  of  mind  whatever." 

Yet,  we  are  all  in  favor  of  every  provision  of  the  Treaty  of 
Washington!  .  ..,,.,,, 

TUB  FISQEBIES.  '       .  '" 

I  have  heretofore  so  often  and  at  such  length  dwelt  upon  the 
injustice  done  the  people  of  the  ^  uited  States,  and  especially 
my  constituents  and  neighbors,  in  the  settlement  of  the  fishery 
question  under  this  Treaty,  that  I  forbear  wearying  your  pa- 
tience with  it  hero  by  a  recital  of  the  wrongs  done  to  us,  es- 
pecially because,  Ijy  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty  itself,  the  part 
of  it  relating  to  the  fisheries  does  not  become  effective  until 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  after  full  revision  and  examination  in 
open  session,  with  tlie  whole  country  looking  on,  pass  a  law  to  • 
carry  it  into  effect  and  agree  to  it ;  and  that,  I  trust  and  verily 
believe,  never  will  be  done. 

The  statement  of  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty  relating  to  the 
fisheries,  is  the  best  argument  against  them.  For  the  privilege 
of  fishing  without  annoyance,  and  buying  bait,  for  catching 
mackerel  only,  within  three  miles  of  the  shore  of  the  British 
province,  which  has  been  and  can  be  demonstrated  even  by  the 
admission  of  the  Canadian  authorities  themselves  to  be  scarcely 
worth  seven  thousand  dollars  a  year,  the  Treaty  throws  open 
all  our  fisheries,  from  Easport  to  Delaware  Bay,  to  British  fish- 
ermen in  full  competition  with  our  own. 

In  addition  to  which  we  are  to  give  the  introduction  of  all 
kinds  of  fish  and  fish-oils  free  of  duty  into  this  country,  and 
virtually  open  to  Canada  a  trade  and  industry  which  produces 
more  than  twelve  millions  yearly  to  the  United  States.  And 
while  we  surrender  all  this,  we  make  no  provision  for  the  reim- 
bursement of  our  fishermen  for  their  vessels  seized'  and  confis- 
cated without  right,  while  prosecuting  their  hardy  toil  of  the 
sea,  for  a  series  of  years  by  Canadian  and  British  cruisers. 
And  yet  all  the  people  are  in  flavor  of  ©very  provisiou  of  the 
Treaty  of  Washington ! 


I 


i^yE^SMCflBtfjK-.>M*ki-jii**^*- 


f 


20 


1 

NAVIOATION  OP  THR  ST.   LAWnENOR.  ■'  ' 

By  tho  2.]tl.  Article  wo  obtain  the  freo  navigation  of  tl.o  St 
Uwronco,  for  which  wo  shouUl  bo  duly  grateful,  unless  it  shall 
turn  out  as  I  foar  it  may  upon  oxanunation,  that  in  this  case 
a  so  wc  havo  paid  too  great  a  price  for  the  favor,  or  in  the  lan- 
guage of  Massachusetts'  and  Pennsylvania's  greatest  economist, 
wo  have  ..pa.d  too  dear  for  our  whistle."  I  am  one  of  those 
who  believe  m  the  demonstration  made  by  Henry  Clay,  that  tho 

United  States,  as  a  proposition  of  national  law,  especially  as 
8  nco  Ins  argument  every  considerable  river  in  the  world,  like 
«.c  St  Lawrence,  draining  a  part  of  one  country  and  debouch- 
mg  mto  ho  sea  m  another,  has  been,  by  convention  and  othcr- 
w  e,  declared  free  to  the  navigation  of  all  peoples  under  regu-  ' 
lutions  apphcable  to  all  alike.  Lot  us  not  omit  to  mention  that 
we  also  get  the  nght  to  navigate  tho  Welland,  and  St.  Lawrence 

,and  other  canals,  m  the  dominion  of  Canada,  under  the  same 
condU.ons  that  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  have  that  right 
^Z:o-"'7  'f^r.'  '  ''''''^'''  privilege,  which  we  have 
of  tins  Treaty,  i„  no  greater  degree  than  hitherto.    That  navi- 

gation  never  would  havo  been  hindered  except  in  case  of  war 

between  tins  country  and  Great  Britain,  and  in  such  case  the 

provisions  of  tho  Treaty  are  useless. 

Wo  have  paid  for  these  limited  privileges  oven  in  advance 

nrs     by  givmg  the  free  navigation  to  the  subjects  of  G  eat' 

and   by   opening  our   great  lakes   to   tho   subjects  of  Grea 
Britain  to  compete  with  us  for  our  own  coasting  and  earwig 
rade     That  commerce  is,  at  least,  one  and  a  half  times  greater 
han  the  w^io  e  coasting  trade  on  our  Atlantic  shores,  whlh  wo 
We  so  sedulously  guarded  from  the  foundation  of  the  Govern! 
ment.     We  have  also  opened  to  British  competition  the  com- 
merce  of  Lake  Michigan,  which  lies  wholly  within  our  borde" 
We  have  not  only  given  all  this,  but  in  addition  we  have  granted 
the  free  transit  of  all  BritishK,wned  goods  through  all  our  territ 
nes,  m  bond,  without  payment  of  duties,  thereby  opelg  a  d^" 
to  smuggling  and  fraud  upon  the  treasury  many  hundreVtim" 


7!^^^'  '    ""^ 


.r.  • 


w 


21 

greater  than  nil  the  Alahamn  claims,  however  reckoned.  Under 
our  Internal  Uovonuo  lawH,  it  was  found  iniposKiltlo  to  transport 
whinkoy  in  bond  by  any  safoKuards  and  ponallies  wo  could 
throw  around  such  transportatiou  so  as  to  protect  the  revenue 
against  untold  niillic.iH  of  frauds.  So  imposHiblo  was  it  tliat  wo 
wore  obliged  to  prohibit  such  privilcRO  to  our  own  citizi-ns,  of 
spirituous  liquors  our  own  product.  By  this  treaty  we  permit  all 
foreign  liquors  —  wines  and  brandies,  however  valuable  —  to  bo 
carried  all  o/or  our  country  and  to  bo  deposited  along  the  ex- 
tended lino  of  division  between  the  British  dominions  and  this 
country,  a  customhouso  lino  of  nearly  six  thousand  miles,  in 
bond,  by  every  railroad  and  every  other  vehicle  of  transporta- 
tion. Tho  impossibility  of  prevention  of  frauds  in  transporta- 
tion of  spirits  becomes  now  trebly  impossible  under  these 
provisions.  Remember,  tho  owners  of  tho  goods  will  l)0  British 
subjects,  not  themselves  amenal)l>3  to  our  customs  laws,  incur- 
ring therefore  no  penalty  save  the  loss  of  their  merchandise  ;  and 
who  shall  guarantee  the  integrity  of  tho  throng  of  custom-house 
officials  through  whoso  hands  these  valuables  must  pass,  under 
so  great  temptation?  Laws  may  bo  passed,  regulations  made, 
penalties  provided ;  but  over  the  extended  border  of  six  thou- 
sand miles  of  customs  lines  between  the  two  countries,  where 
shall  the  witnesses  come  from  to  give  evidence  of  their  infrac- 
tion ?  Shall  wo  not  find,  in  practice,  that  wo  have  in  this  regard 
paid  far  "  too  dear  for  our  whistle  "  ? 

Again,  I  grieve  that  all  tlieso  advantages  of  our  commerce 
and  our  ports  should  have  been  accorded  to  the  domain  of 
Canada,  because  it  retards  the  consummation  of  that  which  is, 
in  ray  view,  a  most  desirable  event  to  both  countries  —  tho  an- 
nexation of  the  British  dominions  to  tho  United  States,  and  the 
unification  of  North  America.  If  the  Canadas  can  enjoy  all 
that  we  have  without  any  of  our  burdens,  annexation  may  be 
retarded;  but  the  most  skillful  and  ingenious  blundering  of 
diplomacy  cannot  long  retard  the  inevitable.  And  yet  every- 
body is  in  favor  of  all  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  Wash- 
ington! 

THE    ISLAND    OP    SAN    JUAN. 

I  will  not  detain  you  to  comment  upon  the  last  provisions  of 
this  treaty  securing  the  adjudication  of  our  title  to  tho  island  of 


"*«8 


,14i.;  fM  .»i*^a> 


■fl 


i^ 


22 

Ban  Jimii  hy  tlio  Kmporor  of  Pniwin,  flr«t,  hocn««c,  in  itwlf  for 
tl.o  proHunt,  th«  title  tc  that  island  is  of  very  «mftll  consom.cnce, 
In  Tiew  of  the  fact  tl.at  lon^  hoforo  it  hi-comos  .i  territory  of  con- 
SKlorablo  vnluo,  with  patriotic  a.lininiHtration  of  public  affairs  in 
this  country  not  only  the  island  of  San  Juan,  if  JJritish  terri- 
tory, hut  all  the  l{riti«l.    iH)s.soHsionR,-.  Manitoba   and   IJritisli 
Columb,a,~wiIl   Imvo   bocomo  ours.      S.,uce/ed   in   »K,tweeii 
Alaska  on  the  north  and  Oregon  on  the  South,  manifest,  nay, 
.novitablo  doHtiny  will  settle  the  question  of  annexation  that 
inattention  or  timidity  of  .liplomats  and  commissioners  have  only 
delayed.     But  oven  in  this  we  pay  by  far  "  ten,  dear  a  price 
for  our  whistle,"  because,  while  we  have  shown  o.,r  conf.dence 
m  Ins  most  Catholic  Majesty  of  Spain,  by  entrusting  him  with 
the    appomtment    of  one  of  our   arl>itmtors ;    his  less  Catho- 
lic   Majesty  of    Italy    to    appoint    another;     his    Protestant 
Wajosty  the  Kn,g  of  Sweden  and   Norway  to  appoint  another, 
the  1  resident  of  the  Swiss  Confederation  to  appoint  another 
our  good  friend  the  Emperor  of  Austria  and  K\tw  of  rfungarr 
in  appointing  another- who  will  probably  not  be  Louis  Kossuth 
-  and  his  slave-holding  Majesty  the  Em,>eror  of  Brazil  to  ap- 
poin   another,  it  will  be  observed  that  we  have  apparently  taken 
great  pains  to  pass  over  and  by  the  only  Christian  monarch  who 
was  our  good  friend  during  tl.o  rebellion,  and  who  set  us  the 
example  by  emancipating  all  the  slaves  of  his  empire,  one  who 
rules  to-day  over  one-seventh  of  the  population  of  the  globe -- 
Alexander  of  Russia -and  have  refused  to  trust  him  to  ap- 
point a  single  arbitrator  to  determine  the  value  of  a  mackerel 
even  when  swimming  in  the  water  olF  the  coast  of  New  Bruns-' 
wick,    buch  IS  the  return  we  make  to  the  Emperor  of  all  the 
Kussias  for  his  f.rm  and  undcviating  friendship  during  the  war 
of  the  rebellion,  who  did  not  acknowledge  the  belligerent  or 
other  nglvts  of  the  rebels,  and  bestow  oar  confidence,  at  the 
bidding  of  England,  upon  monarchs  who    took  part  in  fact 
against  us.    And  yet  all  the  people  are  in  favor  of  every  pro- 
vision of  the  Treaty  of  Washington  ! 

WHY   WERE  ALL   THESE    CONCESSIONS  TO   ENGLAND  MADE  ?         ' 

In  the  course  of  this  discussion,  it  has  doubtless  crossed  your 
minds  many  times,  why  were  all  these  concewions  to  England. 


— wmm 


mim 


;:■*•«*'"" 


23 


mailo  ?  Why  did  the  Rood  and  patriotif,  men  who  woro  of  tlio 
Amoricau  Conunission  in  tiiis  bolialf  yiold  so  iniich  in  return 
for  HO  little  if  whut  we  liave  eeun  were  all  the  indncdinent? 
Of  their  patriotisni  no  man  can  doiil)t ;  of  the  wibdom  of  what 
Uuiy  did,  and  the  motivoH  which  lod  to  it,  each  for  himself  must 
judge.  The  secret  of  the  treaty  of  Washington  Ih  an  all-{torva- 
ding  fear  of  war  with  (Jreat  Britain.  Conservative  timidity 
80e:u8  to  have  ruled  the  counsels  of  the  American  Coraroission, 
tinged  —  unconsciously  perhaps  to  themseves  — with  a  desire  to 
link  their  names  to  a  treaty  hetween  two  great  nations  which 
they  might  naturally  suppoao  would  carry  them  down  through 

all  time. 

If  we  agree  to  this  theory  that  there  was   any  considcrahlo 
danger  of  a  war  with  Groat  Britain,  or  with  anybody  else,  then 
wo  can  not  only  pardon  thtjir  acts,  l)Ut  commend  tlioin  for  yield- 
ing so  much.     War  is  to  he  averted  from  a  nation,  as  personal 
strife  is  to  ho  avoided  by  an   individual,  at  all  risks  and  at  all 
hazards,  save  the  loss  of  honor  and  of  life.    Therefore,  while  wo 
may  well  excuse  the  giving  up  our  rights  as  a  nation  to  Groat 
Britain    by  the  over-cautious  prudence  which  dictated  it,  we 
ore  at  liberty,  each  for  himself,  to  judge  whether  tho  danger, 
th<*  fear  of  which   swayed   tho  negotiations,  actually  existed. 
Undoubtedly  tho  cry  that  wont  forth  that  ijcaco  has  bcon  assured 
between  tho  two  great  nations  speaking  the  English  language 
forever  by  the  Treaty  of  Washington,  has  been  tlio  compelling 
cause  of  the  acquiescence  of  the  j)eople  of  tho  United  States  in 
its  provisions  without  much  of  examination  or  weighing  of  their 

oUects. 

Was,  then,  war  imminent  or  probable  if  tho  treaty  had  not 
been  concluded  ?  The  answer  must  be,  by  every  reflecting  per- 
son, clearly  not.  War  with  England  was  not  possible  except  at 
the'will  of  the  United  States ;  and  the  same  desire  for  the  avoid- 
ance of  war  which  has  rendered  even  the  Treaty  of  Washing- 
ton acceptable  to  us  would  have  effectually  controlled  all  prob- 
ability of  it.  England  could  not  go  to  war  with  us.  She  had 
neither  grievance  nor  cause.  We  had  fitted  out  no  Alabamas 
and  Shenaudoahs  against  her  commerce.  We  had  acknowl- 
edged no  belligerency  of  her  rebels,  either  at  sea  or  upon  land. 
We  had  loaned  uo  money  to  her  enemies  to  aid  them  to  fight 


wXtt^Mfa 


TtrA.^^-^ 


;i;i2.i',fc3ai.--»»"<r<  u-»:'-'. ^"vsfpr^^.'S''!-'??'-'' '!^^:. 


^^  i 


24  ~ 

her.  We  had  run  no  blockade  with  our  sliips  for  the  purpose 
of  supplying  her  enemies  with  arms.  We  had  not  destroyed 
her  commerce  and  crippled  her  maritime  resources  for  years,  if 
not  forever.  She  had  no  cause  of  complaint  against  us ;  she 
made  none.  How,  then,  could  there  have  been  a  war  between 
this  country  and  England  unless  wo   had  taken  the  initiative  ? 

There  was  no  cause  why  we  should  begin.  Our  claims  against 
E.igland  could  very  well  wait  for  settlement  until  liie  time  when 
hor  exigency  should  be  our  opportunity. 

A  little  less  than  a  year  ago,  on  the  lecture  platform,  I  took 
occasion  to  state  to  the  country  tiie  causes  why  it  was  im])ossible 
that  Great  Britain  could  permit  a  war  between  the  United 
States  and  herself.  The  fact  is,  England  was  at  that  time 
and  is  now  menaced  by  Russia  whenever  she  is  embroiled  with 
a  naval  power  approaching  in  strength  to  her  own,  of  which  alono 
this  country  has,  since  the  crippling  of  France,  the  capability.  I 
also  stated  the  fact  that  upon  no  battle-field  had  England  ever 
placed  more  than  twenty-five  thousand  of  her  own  men,  not  even  in 
the  battle  of  Waterloo  ;  that  Ireland  —  heretofore  the  beehive  of 
soldiers  for  her  recruitment  — ■  was  now  unavailable  through  emigra- 
tion and  discontent.  The  unification  of  the  German  empire  had 
rendered  it  imfwssible  for  her  to  send  to  America  to  fight  her  bat- 
tles, as  in  the  days  of  our  fathers,  the  subjects  of  Hesse  Cassel, 
except  as  they  are  now  coming,  the  soldiers  of  the  plow  and  of  the 
armies  of  the  industries  of  peace.  Attention  was  further  called  to 
the  fact  that  the  inhibition  of  the  importation  of  breadstuff's  and 
cottou  into  England  would  work  a  revolution  in  her  government  in 
six  months  ;  and  that  in  fact,  from  its  own  inherent  defects,  her 
monarchy  was  now  tottering  to  its  fall.  I  again  call  attention  to 
the  fact  that  quite  one  in  every  eighteen  of  the  people  of  England 
enter  the  poor-house  or  the  prison  annually  ;  that  some  less  than 
thirty-two  thousand  of  her  people  own  the  great  bulk  of  her  soil ; 
that  her  agricultural  population  is  decreasing  in  the  same  ratio ; 
that  her  small  farms  are  diminishing  in  number  ;  that  there  are 
but  little  more  than  three  million  inhabited  houses  for  her  twenty 
millions  of  population  ;  that  four-fifths  of  her  inhabitants  reside  in 
towns  and  cities  and  but  one-fifth  in  the  country  ;  that  the  great 
bond  which  is  supposed  to  bind  her  people  together,  her  national 
debt  —  now  twice  the  amount  of  ours  —  is  held  by  a  little  more 


jr  the  purpose 
not  destroyed 
IS  for  years,  if 
ainst  us ;  she 
I  war  between 
le  initiative  ? 
ilaims  against 
he  time  when 

tform,  I  took 
as  impossible 

the  United 
It  that  time 
3  broiled  with 
f  which  alone 
iapability.    I 
England  ever 
1,  not  even  in 
le  beehive  of 
ough  emigra- 
empire  had 
ght  her  bat- 
tesse  Cassel, 
V  and  of  the 
lier  called  to 
adstuffs  and   • 
vernment  in 
defects,  her 
attention  to 
of  England 
ae  less  than 
of  her  soil ; 
same  ratio ; 

there  are 
her  twenty  ' 
its  reside  in 
it  the  great 
ler  national 
little  more 


25 

than  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  tliousand  of  her  people,  out  of  a 
total  of  thirty  millions  in  the  U»\ted  Kingdom  ;  and  how  little  it 
may  affect  the  vast  population  over  which  she  holds  sway  may  be 
judged  from  the  fact  that  the  inhabitants  of  her  colonial  dependen- 
cies are  nearly  one  hundred  and  sixty  millions  of  people.  To  all 
this  I.  may  add  the  further  facts  which  have  lately  occurred. 
England  finds  herself  powerless  to  collect  a  tax  of  half  a  million 
dollars  upon  friction  matches  without  stirr,ing  an  emeute  by  her 
people  with  which  the  government  dared  not  contend,  while  we 
here  collect  a  revenue  of  two  millions  on  the  same  article,  and  I 
have  never  heard  the  question  discussed,  in  Congress  or  elsewhere ; 
and  the  still  further  fact  that  such  is  the  consciousness  of  her  weak- 
ness in  case  of  war  that  Great  Britain  has  been  thrown  into  a 
ferment  of  preparation,  and  a  change  has  been  made  in  her  entire 
army  system,  by  a  mere  magazine  article  of  one  of  her  citizens, 
describing  the  disasters  of  a  possible  invasion. 

Is  such  a  country  likely  to  go  to  war  with  the  United  States  ? 
Need  I  stop  to  contrast  the  situation  of  America  in  view  of  the 
possibiUties  of  war  ?    Forty  millions  of  "^eople  ;  without  a  colony  or 
other  dependency  to  be  a  source  of  weakness ;  without  a  vulnerable 
point ;  with  a  veteran  army  of  a  million  and  a  half  of  soldiers  lately 
disbanded  and  thoroughly  trained,  two-thirds  of  which  may  be 
brought  into  the  field  in  ninety  days  ;  a  navy  of  which  I  wish  I  could 
say  more,  but  sufficient  to  protect  our  home  ports,  while  our  naval 
power,  as  a  means  of  offence,  consists  in  the  speedy  adaptation  of 
the  merchant-marine  to  the  purposes  of  war,  and  the  enterprise  of 
our  people  which  would  cause  private  armed  vessels  to  sally  forth 
everywhere  to  attack  a  commerce  extended  all  over  the  globe ;  a 
country  so  situated  that  even  the  stopping  the  importation  of  goods 
by  war  would  only  deprive  us  of  that  we  do  not  need,  and  are  only 
the  extravagances  and  not  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  thus  save  a 
great  part  of  the  cost  of  a  war  to  the  nation ;  containing  everything 
within  ourselves,  as  we  have  demonstrated,  to  carry  on  war  for 
years  with  no  possibility  of  being  crippled  in  our  resources  by  any 
attack  from  abroad  ;  and— what  is  not  to  be  forgotten  in  case  of  a 
war  with  England  —  a  million  and  a  half  of  our  Ypting  population 
absolutely  eager  for  such  a  war  to  avenge  the  wrongs  suffered  by 
themselves  and  their  fathers  from  the  tyranny  of  Great  Britain  over 
the  green  isle,  their  fondly  loved  home.    I  say,  with  this  contrast 


..^JiS^'"-'- 


*S«DBIl«W^^fe»»5K5<«**^  ■ 


-^■:iii.mi^irT~y 


h 


I 


26 

ONE   WORD   IN   CLOSING. 

hav^Tat?a7oLthr'  ^"^"  '^^  ^- who  addresses  ,ou  to 

his  adhesion  t  17 T  eaVT^Wa:  T^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^"^ 
attention,  and  that  of  thlx  '^^^^»"8^°'  ^^an  to  bring  to  your 
have  los  t  li,     r  !    "''""''"  P'^P^^'  *^^*  which  I  believe  we 

ourse,:::!  n%t;^zvtT'  ^^--^-^'-^aii 

fleeting,  All,  all  is  Poacer  ThI  ^  *t  ''^  ^^*^  *^«  '^«- 

there  need  e  no  pZl"tion  f  ''  """""'  *"  ^'  '''''  '^  ^^'  ^^ 
the  condition  of  the  J  f  u'  ''"'■'  ''  *^""g^'  ^^  what  may  be 
tinctly  theses  t  ZlZt:  Td'ffi  7'  ^"^  ^^^^"^  ^- 
have  incurred,  the  unnecesTar.n '  f  '"'^  dangers  we 

Treaty  of  Wa;hingtoT  i  fel^^^^^^^^^^^^  "'  '7  "''^' '"  *° 

having  to  do  with  nnblt  !ff  •  7  ,  ^  "•'  ^"  '^"^'"^^  ^^^^^. 
fellowt^ountry:  n,  ifs  Lt^  f  t{  '"  •*'"^  *'<^^  ^"-«  -3r 
for  their  calm,  careful  In,- 1     7     ^"!  '''''  "^'^^^  ''^'^  them. 


'  "°oas^j^!JEj^ 


.^jWJBr^ 


"i|Jll.jgi- 


K 


27 

that  they  and  their  representatives  may  be  prepared  to  lot  upon 
them  as  they  arise  upon  the  determination  of  the  several  Boards  of 
Arbitration  as  may  become  a  great,  wise,  and  powerful  people.  If 
I  am  right — as  I  verily  fear  I  am  —  then  my  warning  voice  will 
have  prepared  the  public  mind  for  not  too  great  revulsion  when  they 
find  themselves  disappointed  in  the  treaty  of  Washington.  If  I  am 
wrong,  then,  as  a  patriot,  I  shall  rejoice  with  my  countrymen  in 
finding  that  the  Joint  High  Commission  "  builded  wiser  than  thoy 
knew." 


vl^ 


■-■^ 


■ .  i. 


^ 


-i-es^ip-. 


g*»!-tf"^"' 


H 


